Even Hypothesis of PPIs Licensing : An Experimental Study

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Publikace nespadá pod Pedagogickou fakultu, ale pod Filozofickou fakultu. Oficiální stránka publikace je na webu muni.cz.
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DOČEKAL Mojmír ŠAFRATOVÁ Iveta

Rok publikování 2019
Druh Článek ve sborníku
Konference Language Use and Linguistic Structure. Proceedings of the Olomouc Linguistics Colloquium 2018
Fakulta / Pracoviště MU

Filozofická fakulta

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Klíčová slova PPIs; scalar particles; alternatives; experimental linguistics
Popis In this paper, we report results of an experiment designed to map the semantic and pragmatic properties of Czech strong negative polarity item ani "not even" and a positive polarity scalar particle i "even". In the theoretical part, we focus on the positive polarity particle i. We describe its acceptability in different contexts (manipulated for likelihood) and environments (upward entailing, downward entailing, …) as a result of i’s unlikelihood presupposition, building on Krifka (1995) and Crnič (2011). The experimental data lead us to claims concerning embedded exhaustification which in some cases allows i to associate with strong scalar elements even in downward entailing environments. The results of the experiment support the scope approaches to even-type of expressions in natural languages (and brings arguments against the ambiguity approaches to even).
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